That is, if she wants to be critical of Paul Ryan’s plan.  HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius was quick to say that seniors would “die sooner” under the Ryan Medicare plan, but did she even read it and furthermore does she even understand it?

One would think that she would understand “premium support” as she’s a former insurance commissioner.  Kaiser Health News reviews premium support and its history (emphasis mine):

Under a premium support system, the government would pay a percentage toward the insurance premium for each individual; there would likely be more help for low-income and sicker people. And enrollees could kick in more money to get better coverage.

Henry Aaron, senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, and Robert Reischauer, president of the Urban Institute and former head of the Congressional Budget Office, in 1995 were among the first to explore alternatives to Medicare’s system of paying for individual services. And in 1998, President Bill Clinton’s National Bipartisan Commission on the Future of Medicare, chaired by then-Rep. Bill Thomas, R-Calif., and then-Sen. John B. Breaux, D-La., developed a “premium support” idea, but it never became a formal recommendation. Breaux and then-Sen. Bill Frist, R-Tenn., tried unsuccessfully to advance the plan as separate legislation.

Let’s take a look at her ‘confuzzled’ look as she was clearly caught off-guard by Congressman Michael Burgess (R-TX and a physician) as seen here at the July 13 subcommittee hearings (skip to 0.59 to 2:16):

The Weekly Standard also  reiterates and shreds her original comment:

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Office of Management and Budget Director, Peter Orszag is one of the first major players of the Obama administration to call it quits.  Orszag was touted as one of the most brilliant minds in number-crunching, especially by Ezra Klein, who deemed Orszag as the most influencial bureaucrat:

In the coming years, no bureaucrat will be as decisive as Peter Orszag — the former director of the Congressional Budget Office who is now the head of Barack Obama’s Office of Management and Budget — and few bureaucracies will be as important as the CBO and the OMB. For every major policy and legislative fight, those organizations will decide the Number: the official price tag of a government program. And you can’t do anything without the Number.

But while everyone was so enamoured with the heartbreaker, stud, and hottie Orszag and his economic brilliance and wisdom to sound alarms of repeated financial unsustainability as the CBO director, what did the USA really get?  Patterico has a quick outline on Orszag which touches on some key points, but with Orszag’s background, people should wonder how he ever got to hold the keys to the budget.

If you look a bit closer at his education, background, and experience, Orszag was everything that the Keynesians/progressives/Democrats could have dreamed of in a budget director.  Let’s explore.  Aside from being the former CBO director, Orszag  was a senior fellow and Deputy Director of Economic Studies at the Brookings Institution, where he directed The Hamilton Project. His education is impressive having studied and receiving two degrees from the London School of Economics (LSE). While all Orszag’s education and experience appears impressive, it should have been more alarming than comforting to Americans.

Orszag’s policies are heavily influenced by his days at the LSE, and Obama has placed others from the LSE in his administration. As prestigous as the LSE may be, it is concerning because of the school’s founding and history, and continual ideological path it has taken since its inception. But how does all of this translate into effective economic policy specific to the capitalistic US economy? It doesn’t.  Although it may not have been apparent, but Orszag’s ideology shaped the US economic policy into exactly what the Obama administration had planned.

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So much is being written in the mainstream media about who the tea partiers are, but very little is being recorded about what these folks are actually saying.

We know that this is a decentralized grassroots movement, with many different voices hailing from many different towns across the country. But the tea-party message comes together in the “Contract from America,” the product of an online vote orchestrated by Ryan Hecker, aHouston tea-party activist and national coordinator for the Tea Party Patriots.

With nearly 500,000 votes recorded in less than two months, this Contract forms a blueprint of tea-party policy goals and beliefs.

Of the top-ten planks in the Contract, the number-one issue is protect the Constitution. That’s followed by reject cap-and-trade, demand a balanced budget, and enact fundamental tax reform. And then comes number five: Restore fiscal responsibility and constitutionally limited government in Washington.

Note that two of the top-five priorities of the tea partiers mention the Constitution.

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Just came across some rather grim analysis of the economic impact of massive, ongoing federal budget deficits from a group of prominent economists. It’s a little dated (2004) but still highly relevant considering that the deficit situation has dramatically worsened since then. Some highlights:

Substantial ongoing deficits may severely and adversely affect expectations and confidence, which in turn can generate a self-reinforcing negative cycle among the underlying fiscal deficit, financial markets, and the real economy:

• As traders, investors, and creditors become increasingly concerned that the government would resort to high inflation to reduce the real value of government debt or that a fiscal deadlock with unpredictable consequences would arise, investor confidence may be severely undermined;
• The fiscal and current account imbalances may also cause a loss of confidence among participants in foreign exchange markets and in international credit markets, as participants in those markets become alarmed not only by the ongoing budget deficits but also by related large current account deficits;
• The loss of investor and creditor confidence, both at home and abroad, may cause investors and creditors to reallocate funds away from dollar-based investments, causing a depreciation of the exchange rate, and to demand sharply higher interest rates on U.S. government debt;

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